Will the Idea of Unity Take Root Among Muslims Against Israel’s Genocide in Gaza?

Imperialism and brutal colonialism did not arise by chance; every fifty years they take on a new form. With the influence of the global left, colonialism adopted a democratic guise; in this era, colonialism became more sophisticated under the monopoly of media, finance, and intelligence institutions. The winners were those who built the order, the losers were those whose lands were subjected to it.

In the 1970s, King Faisal bin Abdulaziz launched the oil embargo, the first systematic attempt in history to raise the value of oil. During this period, countries like Iran, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia became some of the fastest-growing and developing nations in the world.

So, what happened afterward? King Faisal was assassinated in a CIA-backed family coup and lost his life. A revolution erupted in Iran. Two oil-rich countries fought a war for ten years. Throughout that decade, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and the Gulf states paid the United States vast sums to stop Iran—Saudi Arabia around $600 billion, the other Gulf states around $400 billion—for American weapons.

During the Iran-Iraq War, capital accumulated in the region flowed into the United States, which continued to bleed the region dry for ten years. At the start of the war, Saudi Arabia’s assets in the U.S. had reportedly grown large enough to buy 35% of American hotels, a situation that was beginning to worry Washington.

When the war ended, the problem remained unresolved. Iraq had turned into a weapons depot threatening Israel. Saudi Arabia and Kuwait still held vast amounts of capital. The colonial powers needed a new move. Iraq invaded Kuwait, and the U.S. demanded another $600 billion to push Saddam’s army out of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. In this way, the Gulf states’ savings and the next fifty years of Iraq and Kuwait’s revenues were effectively seized. The Arab brothers fought among themselves but funneled their wealth to the U.S., while Iran—supposedly making an “Islamic Revolution”—saw Saddam and Saudi Arabia as its enemies and welcomed America’s presence in the region. But it never imagined that one day this same power would invade it.

Meanwhile, Turkey was brought under control through the September 12 coup. “Our boys” were busy nurturing what would eventually become the PKK terrorist organization—today on its last legs. The only positive outcome of that coup period was that it brought Turgut Özal to power, who transformed the “unfortunate event” into an opportunity and became a development-minded statesman.

In distant Asia, Pakistan had the strength to protect its territory from invasion. Thanks to its close ties first with the U.S. and Britain and then with China, it at least managed to keep pace with its rival India. In the Far East, Malaysia and Indonesia made significant strides in economic growth and development. Why did they not experience prolonged wars like the colonies in Africa? Because these countries had closer ties to Britain.

The Arab Spring was born as a hope for Arab peoples, long exploited and invaded; but because the colonial powers remained strong, that hope turned into disaster. Egypt first democratized, then faced a counter-coup. Tunisia suffered a similar fate and remains in turmoil to this day. Yemen and Syria have endured uninterrupted wars for over a decade. Interestingly, this chaos both strengthened Iran and at the same time drained it, turning it into a state ripe for attack by Israel and the U.S.

The greatest skill of defeated and occupied nations has always been to create and magnify an enemy. So after recounting all these stories of occupation, what do we do?

Today, the most outspoken opponents of the Gaza occupation are: former leftists, liberals, certain marginal groups, feminists, and Muslims living in the West—particularly those who maintain Muslim sensitivities and leftist leanings.

The search for order is essential. In our student years, the idea of an “Islamic State” was very popular. Ideally, a union and order as strong as the Ottoman Empire was seen as an inevitable goal. But the truth is understood only by properly reading global geopolitics. The victors of World Wars I and II have lost the power to build order; yet, as in Gaza, their capacity to set the world on fire remains very high. A sensible first step would be to begin by signing non-aggression pacts among legitimate Muslim countries. A bloc formed today among Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, and Egypt would fundamentally change many issues. China has already taken a step, bringing Iran and Saudi Arabia together. Perhaps Gaza’s occupation and America’s renewed return to the Middle East is precisely because of this.

The unions once built by the Seljuks, the Ottomans, and Saladin provided security against imperialists who were powerful in their day. For now, such a union should be placed on the agenda solely to protect Jerusalem and our sacred values.

Our President has the leadership experience to embody this spirit. For the sake of great ideals about the future, it is vital that Erdoğan’s global politics become institutionalized. Instead of lamenting our despair, our search must go on. We are a nation that, in every age, has established order throughout history.