Entering Afghanistan is easy, leaving is difficult. Is the Taliban Pashtun nationalist? How could they solve such a difficult problem?

The Taliban, who govern Afghanistan today, have behind them 48 years of experience in defending their homeland. An experience forged with great sacrifices, martyrs, veterans, strategic and tactical maneuvers, and patience and perseverance. What emotions, what ideas, or, in Ibn Khaldun’s terms, what kind of asabiyya motivated these people, who, after the Russians, made the Americans regret ever coming to Afghanistan and acted with an uncompromising sense of independence? Undoubtedly, the closer you get to them, the more clearly it becomes apparent that this motivation is deeply religious, and in its most authentic form, not filtered through modern thinking or ideology, purely religious. Just as Libya’s Lion, Omar Mukhtar, said 95 years ago to the Italian commander who captured him, these people have repeatedly told their enemies on every occasion: Our fight against you is commanded by our religion. Because you are occupiers, and you are invading a Muslim land and trying to impose your immorality there. You say we cannot win this war because you are a superpower, but for us, winning or losing is not a decision we leave to you. We will fight you even for a century, and if you can endure it, be our guest and stay here, but no matter how long you stay, you will not defeat us.

This stance of the Taliban quickly discouraged the US and NATO forces. Soon, they could not step outside certain areas of Kabul and were seeking exit strategies from the very beginning. It now seems natural for people to attribute ignorance to the Taliban, a group that intimidated the US with incredible military tactics and successes and, as their name suggests, are students of knowledge. That Taliban, whom some dislike, solved a drug problem that no other force could resolve in a short time, established a level of social peace unreachable by anyone else, and achieved a level of security across the country that Afghanistan had never seen in its history. We have repeatedly verified all this information through various channels. For the first time in 50 years, it is possible to travel freely across the country without facing security problems.

When we say all this, we are not claiming that Afghanistan has become a fully developed, modern country free of all historical and cultural problems. What we emphasize is the extraordinary performance of the Islamic Emirate in resolving massive problems in a short time that no one else could solve. The Taliban had been waging a guerrilla war against occupiers in the mountains or underground for 20 years, resisting under extremely difficult conditions. During this period, they did not have the means to train cadres capable of running a state professionally, and it was impossible to do so. Therefore, they now experience many inefficiencies even in the simplest matters of governance. They have not fully organized the bureaucracy to manage state affairs. But this very lack also provides them with an advantage, allowing them to act swiftly. Because of this, they are in a foundational phase where they can handle many matters without bureaucratic delays. The country has many problems awaiting resolution.

We presented the Arabic edition of our book On Friendship to Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi. In the streets and avenues of Kabul, there is a level of cleanliness that is unmatched in other Eastern countries. This indicates the presence of effective municipal work. When we asked further, we learned that this is also one of the areas stamped by the Taliban. Previously, large-scale cleaning projects left behind massive piles of garbage and pollution. Now, at a cost almost negligible compared to previous expenditures, cleaning operations have revealed an impeccably clean city. Many road and infrastructure projects that had been left incomplete or never started are now proceeding rapidly.

More importantly, there is economic stability established in the country within four years. When the Islamic Emirate took over, the dollar, which was 130 Afghanis, quickly dropped to 65-70 Afghanis and has remained at that level. Meanwhile, inflation is nearly below zero. In our meeting, Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi claimed that Afghanistan is the cheapest country in the world. We presented the Arabic edition of our book On Friendship to Trade Minister Nooruddin Azizi. Trade Minister Nooruddin Azizi was asked how they managed to lower the dollar and maintain it at that level, and how they fixed the economy despite sanctions and post-war chaos. He provided an interesting analysis and important information: 1. We prevented transactions in dollars, he says. 2. Previously, almost 90% of trade was conducted in dollars; now 95% is done in local currency. 3. We removed foreign exchange from being a trade commodity. No one can speculate on the currency and target Afghan money anymore. 4 and 5. Most importantly, we have eliminated corruption and reduced public expenditures to the lowest possible level. This allows the resolution of many problems that previously could not be solved even with much larger budgets, and also allows the initiation of numerous projects.

The examples he provided regarding this point are another illustration of the Taliban’s previously mentioned impossible policies. Previously, a provincial governor’s salary and expenses were never below 40-50 thousand dollars. If he traveled, he moved with a convoy of 20 vehicles. Now, the same governor goes to work alone in his own car, and some even travel by bicycle, with a salary under 1,000 dollars. Many high-ranking officials bring their lunch from home in a tiffin box. In fact, the very life of Afghanistan’s leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada—choosing to live in Kandahar, in his seminary, out of sight, completely away from pomp, rather than coming to Kabul and taking the state throne—is a striking example of the Taliban’s worldview. They do not see leadership as a lucky placement of fortune; they seem to see it as a heavy responsibility with spiritual significance. Here, a previously impossible combination of state and morality seems to have become possible.

Meanwhile, the Trade Minister is of Tajik origin and holds a very important position within the Taliban. He presents himself as an example against those who accuse the Taliban of being Pashtun nationalists, while listing many non-Pashtun names in top government positions. One of them is Uzbek Deputy Prime Minister Abdus Salam Hanafi. This leaves no excuse for those who claim to represent the Uzbeks or dream through Rashid Dostum, remembered only for war crimes. In fact, they do not consider Dostum important at all; attempts to open a space by accusing the Taliban of being Pashtun nationalists are futile. The Taliban are not based on exclusionary Pashtun nationalism as people like him claim. Azizi, the Trade Minister, emphasizes that the Islamic Emirate’s decisions are made with the welfare of all ethnic groups in mind. He says that all citizens, regardless of their origin, enjoy equal rights and opportunities in trade and governance. The Taliban do not interfere in personal or ethnic matters, focusing instead on religious and national principles. He also adds that they aim to create a government that balances security, economic stability, and moral guidance.

During our visit, we noticed that women are present in public spaces, albeit in accordance with religious regulations. They work in hospitals, schools, and some offices, showing that the Taliban’s policies allow participation without violating their interpretation of Sharia. There is a strong emphasis on education for all, and religious schools operate alongside modern schools, aiming to produce well-rounded individuals.

Security in Kabul and other major cities is evident. Checkpoints, patrols, and rapid response teams maintain order efficiently. Crime rates have dropped significantly, and kidnapping and robbery incidents are nearly eliminated. Citizens express a sense of safety that had been absent for decades. Even foreigners report feeling safer than they expected under the Taliban administration.

International sanctions remain a challenge, but the Taliban have found ways to work around them. Trade with neighboring countries continues, and domestic production has increased. Agricultural policies, local manufacturing, and import management have created a self-sustaining system that does not entirely rely on external aid. The Afghan economy shows signs of resilience, despite global pressures and financial restrictions.

During conversations, officials repeatedly stressed that patience, religious adherence, and practical problem-solving guide their governance. Decisions are taken with consultation among key leaders, and implementation emphasizes speed and efficiency over bureaucracy. Mistakes are corrected rapidly, and accountability is enforced within the government structure.

In conclusion, while Afghanistan under the Taliban is far from perfect, the improvements in security, economic stability, governance, and social order are undeniable. Many problems remain, but the rapid and effective measures taken in just a few years are remarkable. For anyone seeking to understand this movement, observing their policies, motivations, and practices offers insights that go beyond stereotypes and superficial judgments.