Yeni Şafak Exclusive: Bangladeshi Student Leader Shadik Kayem Speaks on Revolution That Ended Sheikh Hasina’s 16-Year Dictatorship
00:1325/07/2025, Friday
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Shadik Kayem
Shadik Kayem explains how Bangladesh's July Revolution—sparked by the reinstated quota system and years of oppression under Sheikh Hasina—united diverse groups through strategic grassroots organizing, overcame brutal crackdowns, and ultimately succeeded in ousting the regime, paving the way for a new Bangladesh.
Shadik Kayem, a key figure in the recent mass uprising that brought down the 16-year dictatorship of former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, has spoken exclusively to Yeni Şafak about the movement that began with student protests and escalated into a national revolution. In this wide-ranging interview, Kayem details the origins of the protests, the coordination efforts behind the scenes, critical turning points, and his vision for a new Bangladesh.
Below is the full transcript of the interview:
Yeni Şafak: What were the initial motivations behind the July protests? Could you provide context regarding the quota movement?
Shadik Kayem:
The primary motivation behind the July protests was rooted in
16 years of severe oppression and human rights violations
in Bangladesh under the previous fascist Hasina government. These abuses included extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, suppression of dissent, election rigging, systematic Islamophobia, and blatant disregard for fundamental human rights. One of the most brutal crackdowns occurred in 2013, when Hasina’s police
killed nearly 200 demonstrators
who were protesting a controversial court verdict that sentenced religious leader
Allama Delwar Hossain Sayedee
to death. We also witnessed brutal massacres, such as the one on May 5, 2013, at
Shapla Chottor
, which targeted madrasah students and religious scholars, as well as the violent crackdown on school and college students during the
Safe Road Movement in 2018
, leading to many martyrs.
The
July 24th Revolution
was the culmination of years of mounting anger and resentment. The sudden reinstatement of the
quota system
on June 5, 2024, by Hasina—which was seen as a way to give extra facilities to her supporters and legitimize her illegal rule—was the final straw. Bringing back the quota system, which had already hurt merit-based opportunities, was seen as the key moment that sparked a wider anti-fascist movement, bringing together people from all walks of life to stand up against systemic oppression.
Shadik Kayem and other student leaders at a demonstration during the Quota Reform Movement
Yeni Şafak: With media tightly controlled in Bangladesh, how did protestors organize and communicate, especially under internet restrictions?
Shadik Kayem:
Since the
mainstream media
in Bangladesh was just a
propaganda tool
for the fascist regime,
social media became our only alternative
and the voice of the opposition. From the very beginning of the July movement, we relied on it heavily. On the same day the quota was reinstated (June 5th), we created a Facebook group called "No Reinstatement of Quota." This group played a key role in mobilizing the entire country, bringing together students from every university and campus. We assigned moderators for each campus to coordinate activities, share daily updates, and spread information about campaigns and programs.
Even when the government
completely shut down the internet
on the night of July 18th and imposed a
curfew
on July 20th, we were ready. We had anticipated this possibility and instructed our coordinators nationwide to get extra SIM cards and simple button phones for emergency use. This allowed us to keep sending out daily press releases. I made sure they reached media houses by 3 PM every day, even risking my life to deliver the information offline from different locations to avoid being caught. We also sent our
nine-point demands
and video evidence of the regime’s violence to international media, since local outlets had been silenced by Bangladeshi intelligence.
Women protesters chant slogans during the Quota Reform Movement in Bangladesh [Photo: New Age]
Even when the government claimed the movement had ended, we kept getting the truth out — making it clear that the struggle would continue until Hasina stepped down. The movement gained huge momentum after the brutal attacks on July 15th, especially with
women
joining in large numbers. They became our
strongest shield and frontline fighters.
When Dhaka University shut down on July 17th and morale started to dip, students from private universities and the urban middle class stepped up on July 18th, keeping the movement alive. Later,
madrasa students
—both Alia and Qawmi—joined in full force. In Jatrabari alone, more than 100 people were martyred.
Police attempt to arrest Akhtar Hossain, former social services secretary of Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU), on campus on July 17, 2024 (Photo: DRIK)
The horrific images of
injured women
from July 15th deeply shook the public. That was a turning point — it galvanized the middle class and even people from the slums to rise up. The movement created an unprecedented unity — crossing political and religious lines — in a collective fight against fascism. It brought about a level of ideological unity we had never seen before.
A female protester was brutally targeted by police under the Hasina regime during the Quota Reform Movement
Yeni Şafak: What were some of the most critical turning points in the movement? How did leadership adapt under pressure?
Shadik Kayem:
Despite the fear and widespread despair after the attacks—especially with the internet blackout and curfew starting July 18th—we refused to give up. The entire responsibility for coordination fell on me during this critical period. I had to manage the daily programs, press releases, and communication with isolated coordinators using our offline network. I had to coordinate with leaders in the first layer, the second layer, and different stakeholders—including civil society members, rights activists, and grassroots-level workers.
The movement was profoundly influenced by the pivotal contributions of Nahid Islam, Asif Mahmud, Hasnat Abdullah, Sarjis Alam, and Mahfuz Alam. Key figures such as SM Farhad, Mohiuddin Khan, Monzurul Islam, Jahidul Islam, Sibgatullah, Sorfuddin, Ali Ahsan Zunaid, Rifat, and Mahadi were instrumental in sustaining the momentum of the resistance. Dr. Mirza Galib offered indispensable leadership and strategic direction throughout the movement. Additionally, the contributions of Al Jazeera journalist Zulkarnain Saer, journalist Elias Hossain, and activist Pinaki Bhattacharya were vital in disseminating critical information to both international audiences and Bangladeshi communities at home and abroad. Each of these individuals demonstrated unwavering commitment from their respective roles, supporting the nation and advancing the resistance against authoritarian governance. Their dedication and contributions are deeply appreciated and cannot be overstated.
Equally noteworthy were university-based journalists, including members of the Dhaka University Journalists' Association (DUJA), and mobile journalists, whose on-the-ground reporting played a decisive role in documenting and broadcasting events nationwide. Their efforts were crucial in maintaining information flow, galvanizing public support, and countering state-sponsored narratives.
Student leaders at a press conference during the July Revolution
The hardest part was keeping morale up when 100 to 200 people were dying every day, and even our coordinators were arrested, held under duress, and forced to make false confessions. On July 28, while in custody, they publicly announced the suspension of the movement. We immediately responded with a counter-statement, rejecting those confessions and reaffirming our commitment to continue until Hasina was removed from power.
Another key moment came on August 4—the day the
Non-Cooperation Movement
and the Nine-Point Demands were distilled into a
single demand: the resignation of Sheikh Hasina
. With this demand, we called for a protest. The original plan was to begin the demonstration at 2 PM at Shahbagh. But I was worried the Awami League would take over the area earlier, so I pushed for an earlier start. Some were hesitant at first, but I insisted we begin at 10 AM. I knew early mobilization would be key.
We divided Dhaka into 10 sections for simultaneous mass takeovers, and that decision made all the difference. The next day, August 5, brought massive confrontations. There were widespread casualties across the country due to violent crackdowns by the Chhatra League, Awami League, Jubo League, and the police. But that pressure backfired—and ultimately led to Hasina fleeing.
During all these critical moments, especially from July 19 to August 2, leaders such as Abdul Kader, Abdul Hannan Masud, Mahin Sarkar, and Rifat Rashid played key roles in decision-making.
Still, we had deliberately built a resilient leadership structure. We kept the decision-making circle tight—limited to a few trusted individuals—and separate from those who were more visible or politically exposed on campus. That helped us stay in control and keep things on track, even when some leaders were arrested or had to go into hiding.
At the same time, we carefully supported and guided "independent" student activists on campuses. They acted as the public face of the movement, while we guided them from behind the scenes. This setup kept the movement alive, even as arrests and smear campaigns tried to break it.
Yeni Şafak: How do you assess the role of the Army during the July Revolution? Furthermore, how did foreign interference, specifically from India and China, impact the movement, and what are your expectations for future diplomatic relations?
Shadik Kayem:
Toward the end of the movement, we started to see cooperation—especially from junior military officers—who really seemed to align with the spirit of the revolution. While many senior figures in the military were seen as beneficiaries of the previous regime, the junior officers showed clear support.
We believe the military should be led by honest, capable, and principled officers, replacing those who profited from the corrupt system. We also want to make it absolutely clear: anyone who enabled or participated in human rights abuses, including judicial killings and the July genocide, has no place in politics until they face justice.
As for the Awami League, it’s a terrorist organization that’s committed countless atrocities. It should be permanently banned from politics—just like how certain extremist groups are outlawed in countries like Germany. The people gave their verdict on August 5th and forced them to flee, and any attempt to bring them back into political life will face serious consequences.
On the issue of foreign interference,
India has played a major—and deeply problematic—role
. For the past 16 years, they’ve treated Bangladesh like a
subservient colony
. They openly supported the July genocide and even gave shelter to the criminal Hasina. In our eyes, India is the
'Israel of South Asia,'
given its active role in suppressing the human rights of Indian Muslims. We will no longer tolerate
Indian hegemony or aggression
. Our future relations with India—and all nations—must be based on fairness and mutual respect,
not a master-servant dynamic
.
At the same time, we see China as an emerging global power, and we want to build a close and balanced relationship with them.
What gives this revolution its real strength is that our freedom wasn’t handed to us by any embassy, army, or foreign power. It came at the cost of our own people's sacrifices—more than 2,000 martyrs, 30,000 injured, and many severely wounded. That means we owe nothing to anyone, and our foreign policy will be fully independent—building fair and equal relationships with all countries, whether it’s the USA, India, or China.
Yeni Şafak: How do you envision the role of politically aware youth in shaping the country’s post-revolution future, and how do you personally plan to contribute to national development?
Shadik Kayem:
I envision a future Bangladesh free from all forms of exploitation, be it economic, political, or cultural. It will be a just, happy, and prosperous nation led by individuals of honesty, competence, and integrity.
I have deep faith in the new generation of Bangladeshi youth, who are now politically aware, deeply patriotic, and committed to serving their country beyond traditional party lines. I truly believe that if we support and nurture them, they will shape the future of Bangladesh. They’re driven by the spirit of the July martyrs and a strong desire to create a just, discrimination-free society.
Celebratory crowd swarms the residence of ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina after she flees to India (Photo: PTI)
As for my own contribution to national development after the revolution, I intend to continue my activism in the spirit of the July martyrs. I aim to foster a national consensus on fundamental issues like our economy, foreign policy, and political culture. For the past 54 years, we’ve lacked such unity, and our institutions haven’t been strengthened enough. I believe in cultivating a mature political culture and strong, independent institutions with proper checks and balances. This is a long-term struggle for nation-building, and I’m fully committed to it. The August revolution was a meaningful and successful step, but there’s still a long way to go to reach our ultimate goal. With the grace of Allah, we’re ready to see it through.
